The Third View, 1898 – 1901

The Third View: Defining Puerto Rico’s Unincorporated Status

1898-1901

Between 1898 and 1901, the United States invented a new territorial law and policy framework with a corresponding status to rule Puerto Rico. The initial blueprints for the new territorial status drew on the British notion of the territorial dependency and were first described by the War Department following the island’s occupation on July 25, 1898. On April 12, 1900, Congress enacted the civil government under the terms of the Foraker Act to replace the military government ruling Puerto Rico. Soon after, the Supreme Court began to rule on the constitutionality of the new territorial law and policy in a series of opinions generally known as the Insular Cases. The Court’s ensuing interpretation of the constitutionality of the new territorial law and policy, also known as the doctrine of “territorial incorporation” or the doctrine of “separate and unequal,” described Puerto Rico, and all territories acquired since the Spanish-American War of 1898, as unincorporated territories that could be selectively governed as foreign possessions for domestic or constitutional purposes. Unlike previously annexed territories, unincorporated territories were not treated as potential states-in-the-making or guaranteed statehood. Congress has never enacted legislation changing Puerto Rico’s territorial status. The United States has governed Puerto Rico as an unincorporated territory since 1900.

See Congress

Spanish-American War and Treaty of Paris of 1898

The United States occupied Puerto Rico on July 25, 1898. Within a month, the Spanish monarchy began to meet with United States representatives to draft the protocols for a subsequent treaty of peace. On December 9, 1898, both governments reached a peace accord generally known as the Treaty of Paris of 1898. The treaty was subsequently ratified by the U.S. Senate on April 11, 1899. The United States annexed Puerto Rico under the terms of Article Two of the treaty. The status of Puerto Ricans was relegated to Article Nine of the treaty, which contained two important clauses. The first clause addressed the citizenship status of Spanish citizens inhabiting Puerto Rico. Whereas peninsular (Spain) – born Spanish residents were given an opportunity to retain their Spanish citizenship, acquire a US citizenship or become Puerto Rican nationals, island or insular-born Spaniards were barred from either retaining their Spanish citizenship or acquiring a US citizenship. They became Puerto Rican nationals. The second clause deferred the question of the future civil and political status of Puerto Ricans to Congress. That is the administration of President William McKinley did not want to decide on future status of Puerto Ricans and passed this responsibility to Congress. This was the first U.S. annexation treaty that did not provide (or promise to do so at a future date) for the collective naturalization of the inhabitants of an annexed territory. This departure, contemporary advocates of the Third View argued, meant that the United States was not interested in granting statehood to Puerto Rico or to incorporate Puerto Ricans into the Anglo-American empire.

Military Occupation

The United States invaded Puerto Rico on July 25, 1898. Soon after, the Secretary of War imposed a two-year military dictatorship under the terms of President McKinley’s General Orders 101to rule Puerto Rico and prepare the local institutions for full territorial annexation to the United States. Three military governors were assigned to rule Puerto Rico during this period, including General John R. Brooke (December 18, 1898 -December 9, 1898), General Guy v. Henry (December 9, 1899 – May 9, 1899) and General George W. Davis (May 9, 1899 – April 12, 1900). The latter, General Davis was the influential and provided the blueprints for Congress’ subsequent organic or territorial law. General Davis looked to the British notion of a dependency as a model for the territorial status of Puerto Rico. He, like his peers, did not envision a path to statehood for Puerto Rico.

The Foraker Act of 1900

On April 12, 1900, Congress replaced the military government in Puerto Rico with a civilian government under the terms of the Foraker Act an organic or territorial law. This legislation normalized or incorporated almost all the recommendations made by Brigadier General Davis. The Foraker Act contained two provisions that shaped the contours of the status of Puerto Rico. First, the law applied a 15% tariff or duty on merchandize trafficked between Puerto Rico and the United States, temporarily treating the newly annexed island-territory as a foreign country for purposes of the Dingley Tariff of 1897 the United States Constitution more generally (§3). In addition, it ascribed or imposed a Puerto Rican citizenship on persons born on the island (§7). This was the first time that the United States annexed a territory and refused to collectively naturalize the residents of the newly annexed territory or promised to so at a later date. More importantly, it affirmed the principle that Puerto Rico and its citizens belonged to the Anglo-American empire but were simultaneously barred from equal membership in the United States polity. In sum, the Foraker Act of 1900 established that the United States could selectively rule Puerto Rico as a foreign country for domestic or constitutional purposes.

The Foraker Act, an organic or territorial act, was also designed to provide a local form of government for Puerto Rico. The new organic act provided for a civilian governor appointed by the United States President (§17). This law established an Executive Council, also appointed byt the President, that assumed both executive agency and legislative functions, serving a role aking to that of an upper legislative chamber (§18-26). In addition, the Foraker Act affirmed the local judiciary structure created by the military governors (§33) and established a federal territorial court to replace the existing provisional court (§34). This law also created a local House of Delegates (§27-28), the only branch of government subject to popular elections, albeit by qualified voters (§29). Suffice it to say, the Foraker Act imposed an undemocratic territorial regime controlled by the President of the United States.

 

The Insular Cases of 1901 and the Doctrine of Separate and Unequal

The Supreme Court began to rule on the constitutionality of the new territorial law and policy within a year of the enactment of the Foraker Act of 1900 in a series of rulings generally known as the Insular Cases. Professor Efrén Rivera Ramos suggests that the ensuing development of the doctrine of territorial incorporation, or the constitutional interpretation offered by these opinions, can be situated in a series of opinions issued by the Court between 1901 and 1922. The core or basic interpretations were first outlined in 1901. By 1904, a majority of the justices in the Supreme Court adopted the basic premises of the doctrine and addressed other insular policies developed by Congress. In 1922, the Court unanimously affirmed the application of this doctrine to Puerto Rico, which was now primarily inhabited by U.S. citizens. Understanding this history is crucial to understanding the contours of Puerto Rico’s political status and its relationship to the United States.

The core principles of the Supreme Court’s interpretation were first outlined by Justice Edward D. White in his concurring opinion in Downes v. Bidwell (1901). In Downes, the Court addressed the constitutionality of the Foraker tariff or Section Three, or more specifically whether this tariff violated the so-called Uniformity Clause of the Constitution (U.S. Constitution, art. I, §8, cl. 1), which barred the imposition of tariffs on goods trafficked within the United States. A plural majority (5-4) affirmed the constitutionality of Section Three but did not agree on rationale or justification for the decision. In fact, eight of the nine justices disagreed with the rationale offered by Justice Henry B. Brown, the author of the majority opinion. Although, the justices wrote five opinions (1 majority, 2 concurring, and 2 dissenting opinions), the three core opinions aligned with the prevailing ideological debates of the moment.

Justice Brown’s majority opinion embraced the prevailing imperialist ideology and essentially argued that territories were not a part of the United States and therefore the Constitution did not apply or limit the ability of Congress to enact legislation that treated Puerto Rico as a foreign country for the purposes of imposing a tariff on goods arriving from the island. Under this interpretation, Congress, a creature of the Constitution, possessed plenary powers that were outside of and not limited by the Constitution to rule Puerto Rico and all territories more generally.

In contrast, the key dissenting opinion written by Chief Justice Melville Fuller followed the anti-imperialist or colonialist ideology. Under past or established legal precedents, the Chief Justice argued, once a territory was annexed, it became a part of the United States for purposes of the Constitution. Even though some constitutional provisions were not locally applicable (i.e. Electoral College) during the territorial stage or before a territory became a state, Congress’ power to enact discriminatory laws was also limited by the Constitution.

Justice White’s concurring opinion also affirmed the power of Congress to impose a tariff but relied on an argument reminiscent of the Third View. Central to Justice White’s concurring opinion were the following interpretations:

  • Some fundamental or natural rights applied to Puerto Rico and Congress did not possess an absolute power to enact territorial legislation that violated some established interpretations of the Constitution.
  • Congress or more precisely the Foraker Act of 1900 did not explicitly or implicitly “incorporate” or treat Puerto Rico like a part of the United States. Instead, this legislation left the island in an “unincorporated” status, that is a territorial possession that belonged to, but was not a part of the United States, a precondition for the eventual admission of a territory into the Union of states. Until Congress enacted legislation that explicitly or implicitly incorporated Puerto Rico, Congress enacted legislation that treated the island as a separate and unequal territorial possession or property, again lo long as that legislation did not violate the “fundamental” or “natural” rights of the island’s residents.
  • Because Puerto Rico was unincorporated, Congress could selectively rule the island (or archipelago) as a foreign possession for domestic or constitutional purposes.

Congress has never enacted legislation explicitly incorporating or changing Puerto Rico’s territorial status. Under the Insular Cases doctrine this is a political decision to be resolved by the US Congress. Puerto Rico has remained an unincorporated territory since 1900.

Citizenship and the Question of Political Status

The citizenship status of Puerto Ricans within the U.S. empire played an important political role in shaping the contours of the debates over Puerto Rico’s political status. As I have explained in the Puerto Rico Citizenship Archives Project, since the United States annexed Puerto Rico, Congress has debated upwards of 100 bills, enacted or applied more than 12 laws conferring three different citizenships statuses on persons born in Puerto Rico, namely a Puerto Rican citizenship (1898-1934); a naturalized (individual and collective) citizenship (1898-1940), and birthright citizenship (since 1940). The question of the citizenship status of Puerto Ricans was important to federal lawmakers because it framed some of the debates over the status options for Puerto Rico. To be sure, on one hand federal lawmakers did not want to rule an annexed archipelago inhabited by aliens owing their allegiance to another sovereign nation. On the other hand, at least initially, federal lawmakers were averse to naturalizing the residents of Puerto Rico. At the core of these debates is the question of whether the United States government wants to recognize Puerto Ricans as equal members of the Anglo-American polity.

 

Political Parties and Ideologies in Puerto Rico

Following the annexation, the two main Spanish adjusted their platforms to exist within the U.S. empire. The Partido Federal, the precursor to the self-rule tradition of the Partido Popular Democrático, embraced an autonomist position. In contrast the Partido Republicano Puertorriqueño, the precursor to the annexionism tradition of the Partido Nuevo Progresista (PNP) took the mantle of statehood. Both parties dominated the political landscape during this period.

 

Congress and the Question of Puerto Rico’s Political Status

56th Congress (1899-1900)

Congress debated at least five bills explicitly addressing the territorial status of Puerto Rico during the 56th Congress. These bills focused on the creation of an organic or territorial law that could provide a civil government for Puerto Rico. Two bills introduced by Senator Joseph B. Foraker (R-OH), namely S. 2016 and S. 2264, which provided early versions of the subsequent Foraker Act of 1900. Three additional bills providing for alternative territorial statuses, H.R. 7020 (explicitly treating Puerto Rico as a territory), H.R. 5466 (considering Puerto Rico as a District), and H.R. 8878 (implicitly treating Puerto Rico as a territory), were also debated during this period. It is important to highlight that Congress also discussed three additional tariff bills during the 56th Congress, namely S. 335, H.R. 6883 and H.R. 8245. These bills classified Puerto Rico as a foreign territorial possession for tariff purposes. None of the bills offered an alternative political status to some variant of a territorial status.

See 56th Bills

57th Congress (1901-1902)

Only one status bill, H. J. Res. 5 was introduced during the 57th Congress. This bill, submitted in the form of a Resolution, provided for the territorial incorporation of Puerto Rico, a pre-condition for future statehood. The 57th Congress did not enact any legislation providing for a change in Puerto Rico’s political status.

See 57th Bills